Quick observation on fascism

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Monument, shifts. Everyone wants peace. Congruity lies in which path to then rest upon the finality.
Author

Fujimiya Amane

Published

June 8, 2026

Someone, asked of me of a certain problem: How do you quite so derive fascism from itself? Or the condition surrounding it? In all, of all, which borns out this specific post.

Fascism is more about interim political theory and centrist socialist absolutism. Basically, we say that:

Doing so requires them to also accept the ergonomic and action cost - you cannot fight against the world alone, based of situation constraints and thereof, even if the rhetoric is that you can fight off the world - which can only be actionalized or operationalized preferably under moderate success, with non-violent Autarky principle, for example.

In consequence by such, a rather relevant result arise - the need for retaliation. When a system consider itself within the internal line politics, under economical, political, sociological, psychological, and intellectual linage speaking, its action are often also internal line policies and resolves, for resolves mean closer to resolution than to arbitrary human resolve. Thus, because of the marginalization and villainization of certain actors or groups, or any given civilization-scale actor where the line of individualism is blurred into a bigger ‘picture of similar scale, as for two societies combating another’, it inevitably as logical to find ways to retaliate with violent measures, as warfare, or outright damage to the central tenet of opposition. This is why such politics often resulted into war and conflicts. One more simple explanation is also that under the ideology and mentality of this system, war itself is a very effective rally point, often seen in history as one of the many way to achieve internal line politics straight from going for existential condition, and so on.

Somewhat as a side tangent, the central and internal-external politics also influences the mindset of warfighting and statecraft itself. For example, often time, a national entity with defined border will serve out violent measure out of its interest for deterrence or any specific measure in which of their own causal interest, for example, global economic interest, cascading risks observed, and so on. In such, their method of warfighting are often external on themselves, unless prompted of either retaliation or pushback from separated entities where their causal chain have not reached yet - for example, between American-British war and the further side Imperial Japan. For internal line politics, however, it is often arisen after a system has experienced the external warfighting itself, nominatively as the direct consequence stated above. This prompted it to also preferably do external justification and semi-external measure, for its first action is to let the enemy, or fabricate of such, reasons and subjective evidences that it is at risk, thus contrasts the picture, and delivery marginalization of the interim, forcing violent external reaction of an already compressed system. This is similar in history, to the utilization of the external line strategy and internal line strategy in strategic analysis, however, this time, its occurrence and preference can be considered a proxy into how the ideology and mindset of an institutional and civilization machine works.

Merely so, if to end the analysis here. It might be capable to realize one core central observation. Everyone wants peace. Even the wicked ‘politicians’ wants peace. But the frustrated mind can only exhaust its fury, then it comes peace. Thus, we can say that everyone sights for the same thing - just that the path can obstruct others, or not.